1.3 The Airforce: Hitting
Prabakaran from the Air
1.4 Strands of Southern thought
1.6 The late Rohana
Wijeweeras family.
1.7 Developments in
Trincomalee
1.8 Some statistics
on Refugees in the North-East.
1.1
The UNPs Troubles
The
late Dr. Rajani Thiranagama wrote during the early months of 1988 when the
Prime Minister Premadasa was vying to become the UNPs presidental
candidate: The Prime Minister represents, and depends on, the chauvinists
for support and thus could only turn to the electorate and populist forces
to resolve the internal power struggle. Therefore he is directly appealing
to the ordinary masses with his grand grass roots programmes tainted with
anti-Indian populist politics. Ultimately this may lead him to alliances with
other chauvinistic forces outside the broad front. Such alliances will have
far - reaching consequences for the UNP as a parliamentary party. [The
Broken Palmyrah, 1st edition.]
That
should give us much to reflect on the turbulent six years which have flown
since the passage was penned. Although running a crisis - prone presidency,
Premadasa when he did not allow his feelings to get the better of him, showed
himself to be an able manager of men and a good tight - rope walker. But there
was almost nothing that he could do decisively, particularly with regard to
political measures to end the war. Though not instinctively a chauvinist,
he perhaps felt that he would ultimately have to bank on them. With India
he more than made up for the public humiliation inflicted on her through his
rhetoric and the treatment of the IPKF by providing ample space for Indian
economic interests. It was left to his successor D.B. Wijetunge to
more or less make an overt appeal to the chauvinist forces. His personalised
campaign during the Southern Provincial Council elections in March calling
for a strengthening of his hands to pursue the war,in addition to a superfluous
promise never to grant Eelam - a separate state for the Tamils- made no impact.
The result was a humiliating defeat for the UNP.
Perhaps
Premadasa and Wijetunge were misled into overestimating the strength of the
chauvinist forces. The Sinhalese have also been going through a period of
disillusionment and reappraisal, like the Tamils in the North-East, and were
looking for a new direction and leadership.
More
decisive perhaps is what many writers have termed the criminalisation of the
UNP as exemplified in the transfer of a respected Bribery Commissioner and
a presidential pardon for two persons summoned to face charges of attempted
murder. The question regarding most UNPers was how many removes away were
they from under world elements? There was also the public school type of UNPer
like the late General Ranjan Wijeratne who believed in the use of unlawful
violence, but also that it should be within the auspices of the state. He
was killed in February 1991 while cracking down on underworld elements some
of which had close links within the UNP hierarchy. But the actual blasting
of the car bomb is believed to have been done by the LTTE. Even with the killings
of Athulathmudali and Premadasa himself, although an LTTE involvement seemed
plausible or certain, the police investigations were seen to cover up or gloss
over many uncomfortable facts which do not fit in with a straightforward LTTE
operation. Even the links of President Premadasas killer are said to
be traceable within a couple of removes to very awkward places.
When
criminal elements are used, the user very likely indicates or drops a hint
to an agent and does not wish to know what happens down the chain. But may
at the same time have an uncomfortable feeling about the possible repercussions.
The chain leads to a murky world of operators where groups like the LTTE would
have their links and gather useful information. The tell-tale signs after
an event, or strange signs before it, would of course activate many to take
steps to conceal their compromised position even if they had no direct link
in initiating it. Such was possibly the case after Ranjan Wijeratnes
killing when many preferred not to have known their buddy Joe Sim, the Singaporean
gambling magnate deported by the deceased.
Such
an unfortunate history led to public cynicism towards the UNP. The demoralising
influence on the armed forces was also enormous. They did not know who was
fighting whom and for what they were giving their life. The end result was
a paralysis of government. The cleansing of these Augean stables will undoubtedly
prove a Herculean task. [Top]
A
piece by Ravana in the Island of 3Oth January titled Is it corruption
or ignorance, or both? gives us some idea of the complexity of the problem.
On the one hand he addresses the well-known corruption involved in transporting
banned items to the North. But then he goes on to describe other items supposedly
useful to the LTTE. The list includes polythene wraps, nails, glue etc. Even
coconut oil commonly used for cooking is said to be useful for the LTTE to
run its vehicles. The writer argues ingenuously that the Jaffna citizen is
known for the use of gingelly oil (a relatively expensive item now) and sees
something irregular in large quantities of coconut oil going North.
The
resulting trend of thought is one which could with good reason ban almost
anything. An officer trying not to harass the people unduly runs the risk
of being branded as corrupt. To play safe orders are sent down the line to
confiscate anything of possible military value. The entire tragic business
of the conflict becomes trivialised into arguments such as whether Kotex
sanitary tissues used by women have military uses or not.
The
paralysis of the military is in the final analysis traceable to the absence
of political leadership and confusion about goals. More thoughtful Southerners
have become disturbed by the administration having no qualms about depriving
a part of the country of essentials almost on a permanent basis, without any
serious thoughts of ending the war. Those concerned have also pointed out
that the present state of affairs is creating the very institutions and mind-set
of separation that the government claims to be fighting against. They point
out that such deprivations, like emergency rule or curfew, when imposed should
be of short duration to meet a clearly defined contingency. Their casual sustained
use lacks intellectual clarity and sets off processes leading to an erosion
of the state itself.
As
for the army itself right down the line they lose confidence in the political
leadership and see no meaning in their tasks. The higher ranks also live in
close proximity to a national culture where unscrupulous money-making is the
norm. Every other person holding high office is building houses in Colombo
on a salary that is absurdly low in comparison. What is to be expected then
happens. Money changes hands and banned items cross the frontier. It is far
from clear if the Tigers are ever in want. The ordinary people suffer much
more. They are harassed at check points as if they carry small quantities
of medicines, batteries and aluminium vessels to give the Tigers. The Tigers
are also helped to earn an additional income through a lucrative black market.
There is an absurd situation where torch batteries are available in LTTE controlled
areas, but not in a cleared area like Mannar Island. Stocks of
medicine in Jaffna are also such that even if they are adequate for routine
uses, they are insufficient to meet sudden outbreaks of epidemics which are
to be expected given the low resistance of the people.
Hundreds
of troops with their minds disengaged are employed to seek out polythene bags
and the occasional smuggled battery. In a war that requires a strong political
thrust a soldier at a sentry point should be able to tell a civilian why he
is not allowed to carry a certain item giving reasons beyond its mere possible
use for the Tigers. But when he shrugs his shoulders instead and says with
a smile, rakiawa (my job), it shows his total alienation from
the job. Along FDLs there is a regular toll on troops. About 2OO are said
to have been killed in Palaly over the last year guarding the defence lines.
After an incident where one or two soldiers are killed, their embittered comrades
fire a few volleys of cannon into civilian villages and go to bed. Often some
old lady or children get killed.
After
what happened during the JVP troubles the army also knows that its popularity
rating in the South is very low and it is in no position to offer leadership
to the country. The Peoples Alliance which fielded a very enlightened
retired brigadier at the Southern Provincial Council elections discovered
early from grass-roots reactions that he was not going to receive many votes.
The white-clad political establishment had successfully rubbed off much of
its own dirt onto the armed forces.
The
rank and file of the army, at least, are looking for a new political leadership.
This would make another election result that is seen to be rigged far more
hazardous for the country than in the past.
Where
the war itself is concerned, things have not gone well for the LTTE either
as we try to show in the inner pages. This is not due to anything the government
has done - in fact almost anything the government did enhanced the credibility
of the LTTEs pretensions. It is but due to the ongoing inner collapse
that is integral to the LTTEs brand of politics. Appearances are also
often deceptive. In one sector where the SL Army actually made a withdrawal
last year, the LTTEs credibility among the people of the area noticeably
plummeted. Given that both sides have cornered themselves and are essentially
weak, the war may yet end in ways more surprising and more sudden than any
of us could predict. [Top]
There
was of course a good deal of public indignation, both local and international,
about the work of the Airforce. Evidently the Airforce Chief was himself uncomfortable
about what was going on and asked for early retirement. Air Marshal Terrence
Gunawardene told the Sunday Times (16/1/94) that he was tired of
bloodshed and will seek a spiritual way of life. According to circles
close to him, he had not wanted to carry out bombing operations where civilians
would be the likely targets, but the government had insisted contrary to his
wishes.
Further
confirmation of this came from the irrepressible Special Correspondent
writing in the Sunday Island of 6/2/94: Meanwhile senior
and middle level officers have expressed displeasure at the outgoing Air Force
Commanders decision not to engage enemy targets from the air during
the past two weeks. The reason behind this is not known. But some speculate
that as the Air Force Commander is scheduled to leave the Air Force and does
not want earn the wrath of the Tamil civilians over the last few weeks of
his service....
Among
the last few operations during Commander Gunawardenes service was the
bombing of Chavakacheri market on 3Oth December 1993 when the nearby church
was also hit. 11 civilians were killed, 9 immediately. The Defence ministry
claimed that the 9 killed were LTTE although missiles fell in a wide area
around the town centre.
What
happened was a statue of Kittu was erected in the Chavakacheri market. In
due course it was made known that the monument would be unveiled by Prabakaran
himself at 5.OO p.m. on 3Oth December. It was a familiar gauntlet thrown by
the LTTE, Bomb if you dare and face the foul publicity from the bloody
mess. This information that was public knowledge very likely reached
Military Intelligence in Vavuniya on the 3Oth late morning through travellers
from Jaffna as was intended. The information was transmitted to the Ministry
of Defence, which as reported went into top level conference.
The
official MoD version given in Waruna Karunatillekes piece in the Counterpoint
of January 1994 says: After debating the timing of the strike, knowing
the LTTE supremo would come either a little early or a little late, the Intelligence
officials decided on five minutes past five. The reasoning is based
on some Mickey Mouse version of the LTTE leaders supposed conduct and
is worse than amateurish if not patently silly. The writer should have known
better. It was as if the LTTE leader would slink in at 5.O5, unveil the statue
by quickly pulling the chord and then run away.
That
the MoD should put out such facile reasons shows how uncritical the press
has become. If the MoD themselves believe it, it puts in question their intelligence,
professionalism and sense of responsibility. Anyone with a passing acquaintance
of the LTTEs methods would know that the information received was useless.
From May Day of 1987, whenever it was announced that the LTTE leader would
attend a public meeting, he did not turn up when expected. The exceptions
were during bouts of peace. During late 1991 it was announced that the Leader
would address a meeting in Chavakacheri and the area was shelled from Elephant
Pass. The leader arrived instead late in the night when people were woken
up and directed to the meeting place. To reason that the Leader would arrive
5 minutes early or 5 minutes late would be equally valid or invalid if the
5 minutes were changed to 5 hours.
One
consideration that may have weighed on the MOD, which does not make the matter
more excusable, is that if they ignored the information it was bound to be
leaked to chauvinistic sections of the mainline press. These would not acknowledge
the information to have been useless (if they could think that far) or even
give credit for sparing Tamil lives. There would very likely have been headlines
to the effect, MoD Suppresses Vital Information - Prabakaran Escapes.
That killing Prabakaran even at the cost of killing hundreds of civilians
should be seen as facilitating a solution to a problem older than Prabakaran
himself, is a reflection of the aridity of national politics.
The
new Airforce Chief Oliver Ranasinghe told the Sunday Island (2Oth February)
that they bomb pre-determined targets supplied by Military Intelligence. As
an example of a mistake he cited the bombing of St. James church in
Jaffna, Our pilots spotted a vehicle speeding away from an operational
area during curfew and attacked it. Unfortunately they missed and hit the
church - nothing surprising in that. He added that such mistakes would
continue to happen as it was war. The LTTE, he said, must take its share of
the blame because they take cover under civilians to prevent us from attacking
the terrorists. He also claimed that the Air
Force was trying to fight a clean war. [Top]
We
have always argued that those at the helm of this countrys affairs should
be pressed upon to think big and occupy the moral high ground instead of insistently
hugging the low. The latter state of mind fears to be generous, thinks in
a defeatist vein, acts brutally, alienates the people and reinforces its own
fears. This state of mind is very much in evidence. It is there in the restrictions
placed even on people carrying small quantities of things to the North for
personal use. It appears in the speech made in parliament last November after
the Puneryn disaster by S.L. Gunasekera. He called upon the country
to be placed on a war footing and to galvanise the nation
behind the armed forces. Those calling for a political solution to the
minority problem were represented as talking about the grievances of
the LTTE.
It
also appears in the piece by the Special Correspondent
in the Sunday Island of 6th February where he is critical of the
retiring Air Force chiefs sensibilities about bombing Tamil civilians.
The Special Correspondent argues: However to compromise
national security for personal reasons by allowing a heavy build up (of the
LTTE) in any area will be too costly to bear at this juncture.
Interestingly, the LTTE never claims that any of their cadre have died as
a result of an air strike as this would give credit to the flyers as well
as confirm the accuracy of their intelligence.
A point we would like to make is that
the coming elections do offer possibilities for an Opposition that would eschew
communalism and squarely face up to the issues underlying minority alienation.
The people wait, nay, long for it. Are the politicians ready? Sadly the public
debate is still being conducted among politicians and intellectuals nurtured
in communal assumptions and who are way behind the ordinary people. Thus a
statesman wishing to make an impact will need to leap out of the gravitational
pull of this milieu. In other words a leader will have to lead- the intellectuals
if not the people.
If
not the initiative will remain with a handful of intellectuals generously
backed by a section of the mainline press, who are identifiable by certain
stock positions and expressions . One of these is : What problems do
the Tamils have? Tell us!. Another symptom of their mental set up was
the appearance of a number of editorials and articles indicating no little
alarm at the widespread claim about what the recent Southern polls had signalled.
A wide range of commentators observed that
the supposedly nationalist voter of the South had rejected communalism to
the chagrin of the intellectuals in question.
As
for the problems of the Tamils, a number of visitors to the North, the latest
being the BBC correspondent, have observed that the LTTEs work is cut
short by the governments bombing and shelling of the civilian population.
The psychology behind these actions
is indicative of the deep gulf that
exists between the Govenment and the Tamil people, as well as the dangerous
alienation of the latter. Even this has failed to make the slightest impression
on this group of intellectuals. Often the columns of these intellectuals appear
in the same journal where other columnists admit that Tamils have a serious
problem, argue that the military approach alone is counter productive and
advocate a political approach. Thus it appears that in the Island
one or more of the editorial writers and Sena are not on
talking terms with either Ravana,Agni or Jehan
Perera among others. The state of mind of this group of intellectuals
as among their adversarial counterparts is also a symptom of a deep crisis
in ideologies of ethnic chauvinism.
We
next present an excerpt from a closely reasoned article by Brigadier Ranjan
de Silva which appeared in the
Island Tuesday Magazine of 21st December 1993. Concerning 1OOO
or so armed forces personnel killed or missing after the Pooneryn diaster
the previous month, he says that the people have learnt to take such stoically
and that it is time for the armed forces to act with restraint. Regarding
the reprisal bombing raids over Jaffna following the disaster when a church
was hit and a number of worshippers killed, he observes that after ten years
of fighting we still seem to be at square one while the people have learnt
restraint from their experience. Officers who tried to think politically and
win over the people, he says, have been regarded second rate and have been
discriminated against:
Certain
misconceptions regarding fundamental issues entered our thinking on the north-east
problem from the very beginning. Our
approach to the problem was never clearly chartered, complicating its solution.
However this is not to say that it is the only reason why a solution has eluded
us.
For
example, we routinely use the word war when discussing the northern
problem and instinctively interpret it in terms of conventional warfare, frequently
drawing parallels from World War II. Thus in the early years of the conflict,
a former president sent to Jaffna an officer who later became the army commander
with a mandate described in terms similar to the one Churchill gave General
Montgomery in World War II when he sent him to the Middle East to clear the
area of Nazi forces. Even recently, during the recent budget debate a parliamentarian
sought to draw a parallel between Hitler and Chamberlain, Baldwin and Halifax
on the one hand and Prabhakaran and those intellectuals who support a political
solution on the other. He conveniently forgot that was between Germany and
England- two different countries, while in the case of Sri Lanka it is very
much a domestic problem between two peoples who have lived together within
a common border for over two thousand years and must live together for another
two thousand years or more in the
future too within the same border. There is a big difference between an international
problem and a domestic one.
War
implies belligerency between two states - two different countries. (The only
exception is civil war; and civil was has not been declared in this case.)
Can you then wage war against your own people? When you use the word war
you imply a division straightaway. The presumption is the existence of two
states; you are tacitly conceding what you are vociferously denying. The psychological
damage which such careless use of words can cause is tremendous.... [Top]
October
1993 saw the beginning of a sinister operation in Colombo where a large number
of Tamil youth were picked up, taken to secret locations and tortured. Most
of them were later released. The local police though surprised at the beginning,
did not interfere. It was clear that the operation had top level sanction.
An expose in the Counterpoint of November 1993
stated:
The
current operation in Colombo is being conducted either under the aegis of
the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) or the Police DIG, Greater
Colombo, Merril Guneratne..... Some of those brought in (for the operation)
are Dias Richard (better known as Captain Munas), Captain
Nilam, ex-PLOTE Mohan (of Batticaloa fame) and Uma Prakash ....
Uma Prakash had left the PLOTE and had taken along with him to India 15 to
2O of its cadre. A Tamil officer of Superintendent rank in the NIB was sent
to India, and persuaded Prakash and his followers to work for the Government,
after guaranteeing substantial benefits. Once in Colombo in the face of objections
from other Tamil groups working with the Government, Uma Prakash held
a meeting with Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe and Defence Secretary
Wanasinghe, and reportedly promised to bring down 1OOO trained cadre to
help the armed forces. He is yet to honour this promise. Uma Praksh is now
seen wearing army camouflage uniform and announcing to all and sundry that
he is working for the DMI in what may be an attempt to hide his real pay masters.
It went on to say that the lack of control over this operation led to a row
with the Maldivian government when two Maldivians were reportedly abducted
and tortured. Praksh was also accused of extortion and of possible abduction
torture and killings.
Uma
Prakash was gunned
down by 3 killers on 26th January 1994 near his head quarters in
Vanavasala, Kelaniya.
A
report by a Special Correspondent in the Sunday Island
of 13th February purports to clarify matters. It comes out with
known facts such as Prakash was close to the deceased PLOTE leader Uma Maheswaran
and the PLOTE from which he broke away to form the PLOT-PLO was wary of his
activities. It then makes the extra-ordinary claim that the UNP hierarchy
which was having discussions with him was unaware of his clandestinely assisting
a police team from Greater Colombo to identify and crack down on LTTE cadre
..... and After a while when senior officials of the government became
aware of it the police team dropped Prakash. The report adds:
About
this time there was reliable information that two EPRLF cadre had been abducted
by the PLOT-PLO. A few days later the bodies of two badly tortured EPRLF cadre
were found in a lagoon north of Colombo [See 3.3.6 of Report 12]. The inside story was that Uma
Prakash who did not have any firearms to operate thought that these two EPRLF
cadre will, under interrogation, reveal where their caches were.
....Had
the government intelligently evaluated the pros and cons of assisting the
PLOT-PLO, brought about a settlement between the PLOTE and PLOT-PLO, and extended
limited support to fight the common enemy - the LTTE - then Prakash may have
survived.
The
cost of allowing Uma Prakash to operate in Sri Lanka was not only high for
the country but also for the PLOTE. There is reliable information that it
was a team led by Alavangudasan, a military cadre of the PLOTE which
killed Uma Prakash. Can PLOTE be blamed totally for killing a man who had
vowed to kill its leader? .......
Four
corpses had appeared around Negombo during the first two weeks of October
1993 when the operation in which Uma Prakash was involved was a going concern.
Any large scale EPRLF arms caches not discovered by the LTTE are almost certainly
in places inaccessible to Uma Prakash. The operation was suspended after it
became exposed. DIG Merril Gunaratne was transferred and the Special
Correspondents friend Ravana wrote that Munas was killed
in Pooneryn during mid-Novemeber 1993. Although many names have cropped up
and much that was incongruous surfaced no investigation was launched. The
government was also evidently concerned about the Amnesty International report
on the operation itself.
We
allow the reader to form his opinion about the Special Correspondents
piece. The whole affair is a reflection on the manner in which affairs of
state are conducted. It stinks. Did the killers of Uma Prakash act without
the knowledge of the state? Was he costing more than he was deemed worth?
Like with late President Premadasa, the coffins of the dead are also a useful
resting place for the sins of their erstwhile associates.
Uma
Prakashs wife and child later committed suicide by swallowing poison.
The NIB for its part has far more useful matters to investigate rather than
how the Amnesty gets its information. [Top]
Much
has been written about the JVPs usefulness to the UNP. Its leaders were
released from prison by the new UNP government after 1977 and its becoming
a political party was claimed to be an exercise in democracy rather than,
as was widely believed, a move to divide the opposition. The same democratic
UNP, after getting through the 1982 presidential elections and the referendum,
banned the JVP in 1983 accusing it of complicity in the anti-Tamil violence.
The JVP in the same cynical fashion hit back in 1987 using the UNPs
compromised position over the Indo-Lanka Accord and the general discontent
to mobilise support. The unsettled situation created by the JVP also proved
an asset to the UNP to get rid of opposition activists (vide Udugampola allegations,
Report No.10)and also to win the 1988/89
presidential and parliamentary elections. The new president, Premadasa, in
early 1989 invited both the JVP and LTTE for talks, which the JVP spurned.
The rest is history. There is a strong suspicion in the country that Mrs.
Wijeweera knows too much that the UNP does not want others to know and that
she owes her life to the difficulty in staging more accidents.
The
government could have placed Mrs. Wijeweera on trial under the PTA clause
which makes not having provided information about her husbands whereabouts
an offence. Apparently the government wanted neither Wijeweera nor his wife
testifying in open court. Protective custody seemed a convenient way out.
Mrs.
Wijeweera and her children have suffered enough and deserve a fresh start.
It is best that they be offered asylum in a country where they would be in
least danger from hired assassins. Then the governments bluff could
be called. [Top]
With
elections around the corner, the Tamils in Trincomalee District are in for
an unpleasant surprise. The governments colonisation policies followed
by violence and destruction directed against Tamils coupled with the
response particularly of the LTTE, are about to usher in a drastic turn in
the fortunes of the Tamils. The 1992 voters list had approximately:
Tamils: 61 OOO, Sinhalese:68 OOO & Muslims: 52 OOO. In 1989 it was Tamils:
48 OOO, Sinhalese: 47OOO & Muslims: 43OOO. The fargoing character of the
demographic change can also been seen by comparing the breakdown of the recent
voting population with the 1981 population figures: Tamils : 93 51O (36.4
%), Sinhalese: 86 341 (33.4%) and Muslims: 74 4O3 (29.2%), Total:256 79O.
In
a political system where numbers rather than a sense of natural rights of
the local community are what matter crucially, the effect on the Tamils is
going to be severe, as would be the effect on the Muslims in consequence.
Of the 4 parliamentary seats in the district, the Tamils have usually commanded
2, Muslims 1 & Sinhalese 1. It is now likely to be Sinhalese 2, Tamil
1 & Muslim 1. State patronage which is normally used in favour of the
Sinhalese and also to bring about division between Tamils & Muslims is
bound to have a very destabilising influence.
The
reduction in the relative Tamil voting strength was brought about partly by
the expulsion of entire villages by the SL Army. Among the villages that remain
empty or are almost empty are: Tennamaravady & Amarivayal 9OO voters,
expelled on 1st December 1984 on account of the Armys and
Mahaveli Authoritys Weli Oya project, now refugees in the Mullativu
District;Thiriyai: 3OOO voters, now only about 18 left, expelled in June 199O;
Kumburupiddy: 9OO voters, and Kuchchaveli, refugees largely in India and Jaffna.
A large number of refugees from Thampalakamam and Pankulam are also outside
the district. The number of Tamils killed and disappeared from June 199O is
about 9OO. The number before July 1987 is considerably larger. Two army massacres
in the Mutur area in 1985/86 themselves accounted for 1OO dead [See 1.8].
Militant
casualties and killings in internecine clashes also contributed significantly.
Of the cadre from Trincomalee District who fought for the LTTE during the
current phase of the war (post 1Oth June 199O), local sources say that the
majority of them have been killed in action. These sources confirmed that
recruitment in the district has virtually dried up. However Trincomalee refugees
in the North are still a source of recruitment [see 1.8]. Of those who had
fought for the LTTE during the current phase, some estimates are: Cottiar
(Muthur) Division: 6OO, Thampalakamam: 125, Kumburupitty: 6O. A large number
are said to have joined from Thampalakamam, Kuburupitty and Kuchchaveli through
caste based sympathy with the Leader.
During
mid-1986 about 2OO TELO cadre from Trincomalee District are said to have been
murdered by the LTTE in and around Jaffna. A
considerable number of survivors are also refugees abroad. Two thousand
Tamil men from all districts, according to a Tamil spokesman, are said to
be married in Kerala alone, many having forsaken their wives living here.
The
padding of the lists of Sinhalese voters has been achieved through deliberate
state policy - armed forces personnel, migrant fishermen, corporation employees
and encroachers brought into Trincomalee for
all of whom strenuous efforts are instituted to find land and housing
with a view to making their presence permanent [see Reports 11 & 12]. The armed forces alone
contribute about 1O OOO- nearly all Sinhalese - to the voters list.
The
effect of the demographic and administrative changes is compounded by the
desertion of the two EROS MPs elected in 1989 leaving only a Sinhalese MP
and a Muslim MP. For example out of the Rs. 3.4 million USAID allocated to
the district for irrigation maintenance in major schemes under the ERRP, effectively
almost nothing was destined for Tamil farmers.
Recently
Rs 65OOOO/- was allocated by the Ministry of Agricultural Research and Development
for repair of minor tanks. All of it went to users who were Sinhalese (Talgaswewa,
Kudaethabandiwewa & Eramadu) or Muslim (Thoppur, Pommandakulam, Mahamarkulam).
Thampalakamam having recently been made a Sinhalese DS (AGA) division (which
was earlier Tamil) is also having its effects. Through the GA money was given
to the division for the same purpose. Except for the Muslim area of Ichchankulam,
the rest (Indiwewa, Kudagalmitiyawa and Ulpothwewa) are Sinhalese. Ulpothwewa,
a long abandoned tank, is occupied by encroachers. They are people who had
suffered much and needed relief. But the government chooses to use their desperation
for a cause that means little to them.
The
position of Tamils is not improved by corruption and indifference even from
Tamil officials. In the case of channel maintenance in the Cottiar Division
for instance money is often allocated and contracts given, but the work is
not done. It often requires an active MP to take a personal interest and see
the work is done. The current situation is one where those who have actively
looked after the interests of the Tamils in the past need to face dangers
from the LTTE in visiting these areas. The Tamils cannot afford to go on like
this for long.
We
give below a routine incident in the district which reflects the accountability
that prevails after the restoration of democracy claimed by the
government following the local elections. The independent press
continues to blissfully report fantasies of
military spokesmen. The Island of 1Oth May published the
following report of the incident of 8th May under the title Troops
recover gold jewellery of poor Tamils robbed by LTTE:
Troops
lying in ambush routed a band of LTTE brigands who were returning to their
jungle hideout after robbing a
poor Tamil family of their gold jewellery, Sunday at Kattaparichan in the
eastern Trincomale district. Military spokesman Brigadier Gemunu Kultunga
said that the LTTE area leader for Kattaparichan, Tennyson, was
shot dead in the ambush by government troops around 11.3O a.m. on Sunday.
He
said that three gold bangles, a gold chain, two earrings robbed from the poor
Tamil family were recovered by the troops (from the brigands,) many of whom
had fled when confronted by the army.
He said that 2OO rounds of 7.62 ammunition, hand grenades and ammunition
pouches has also been captured.
It is a Tamil tradition that even the poorest families should wear gold
jewellery.
The
truth is that the LTTE had made extortion demands from some people in Peruveli
and Manalchenai in Cottiar which had suffered from being scenes of SL Army
massacres in the mid 8Os. The payment was to be made in Kattaiparichchan.
The army having received information waited in ambush. When the parties arrived
the army opened fire killing 4 civilians, 2 LTTE members and two helpers.
After all these years no allowance was given to the fact that civilians refusing
LTTE demands would be dealt with harshly and neither could they contact the
armed forces. The Army is undoubtedly well informed about Tamil culture, particularly
women wearing jewellery. Some officers had the title Ran (Gold)
prefixed to their names by colleagues in honour of their battle field preoccupations.
[Top]
The
following gives a breakdown of refugee populations connected with the ongoing
conflict:
Total in January 1994 |
|
District |
Staying with friends & relatives |
Staying in camps |
|
||
No. of families |
No. of Persons |
|
No. of families |
No. of Persons |
No. of families |
No.of Persons |
|
8O 271 |
265 894 |
Jaffna
[i]
[i] |
5O166 |
147 753 |
3O 1O5 |
118 141 |
|
11 445 |
|
Killinochchi |
|
|
|
|
|
7O8O |
29 136 |
Mullaitivu
[ii]
[ii] |
2421 |
|
4659 |
19387 |
|
1297O |
51784 |
Mannar
[iii]
[iii] |
4981 |
2O O24 |
7989 |
3176O |
|
15O |
|
Vavunia
[iv]
[iv] |
|
|
15O |
|
|
15 O53 |
|
Trincomalee
[v]
[v] |
3384 |
|
4958 |
|
|
13 591 |
|
Batticaloa
[vi]
[1]
[vi] |
124OO |
|
1191 |
|
|
2O6O |
|
Amparai
[vii]
[vii] |
872 |
|
1188 |
|
|
2697 |
12 498 |
[ii]
[ii] .The number displaced within the district presumabley
includes at least 5000 familiies dispalced by the Army & Mahaveli authority
to introduce the Weli Oya colonisation scheme. A further 13 675 familes
were temporarily displaced by floods during December/January.
[iii]
[iii] .The majority in camps are at Madhu and Palampitty.
About 2000 families are in Pesalai. The fishing families affected are 2500
in cleared areas and 2000 in uncleared areas.
[iv]
[iv] .This figure consistes of India returness at
Chettikulam. there must be a large number living with friends.
[v]
[v] .These are figures from `Trincomalee Today' published
during the January 1993. presidential Mobile Secretariat. no figures for
january 1994 were available. the figures for displaced persons within the
district would have changed markedly since some resettlement took place
in during 1993. Originally 50 902 families were displaced in the wake of
the June 1990 troubles. However the 6711 figure for refugee families outside
the district must also account for about 1000 Muslim families from Kattankuam
Pattu who fled the district. About 600 families returned from India last
year. We may take it that 5000 plus refugee families still outside the district
are Tamils. It is this figure that is relevant to the current electoral
lists.
Of
the 6343 families who arrived from India up to the end of 1992, about 2500
were from Trincomalee. We may also take it that the 2802 families in the
Mullaitivu District who are recorded as being from outside the district,
are in fact from the Trincomalee District. This suggest that a further 2000
plus families who fled the district in June 1990 are distributed manly between
Jaffna, and India in roughly equal numbers. The fact that very few from
Trincomalee returned during 1993, probably means that those now in India
are generally not in camps and would wait for peace to return.
[vi]
[vi]
[vi] .The handbook issued for the Batticaloa PMS of
July 1993 placed the affected/ displaced families as at 31/12/92 as Pre June 1990: 90
884 & Post June 1990: 103 778. Out of the first 4846 are from the Kattankudy
and 18 894 from Eravur Pattu. Out of the second 6299 are from Kattankudy
and 21 123 from Eravur Pattu. The entire figure from Kattankudy and a significant
portion from the Eravur Pattu figures would account for Muslims. a number
of affected Muslims from Plonnaruwa District and from Paduwankarai are also
refugees in Eravur.
[vii]
[vii] .Those not resettled are manly from the Kanjikudichcharu
- Thangavelay
9'm
area. 6334 families, nearly all Tamils were resettled during 1992/ 93 as
follows in mostly areas coming under the Gal OYa scheme: 1992: 1144, First
half of 1993: 209, July- september 1993: 650,October - December 1993: 4331.
The first to be resettled was Veramunai (556) on 11/3/92 and next
Sorikalmunai & 6th colony (588) on 3/10/92.
[viii] [viii] .Mainly Sinhalese
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