1.1.2 The
importance of the struggle for democracy
1.1.3 Administrative
breakdown
1.1.5 Effect on the armed forces
1.1.6 Questions about democracy
& the AIs rejected recommendations
1.2 The LTTEs human rights
record and the international community
The underlying causes of human rights
violations in Sri Lanka are far from disappearing or changing their form. The
alienation of a variety of minority groups together with sectional interests
cutting across all communal and religious boundaries exist, in combination with
hardships arising from corruption, mal-administration and the hierarchy of economic
domination serving narrow global interests. Power, which is mediated through
these interests, would, whenever the need is felt, not shrink from violations.
This much is almost tautological and is an everyday occurrence in world affairs.
Out of both international and domestic compulsions, the Sri Lankan state, without
addressing the critical structural questions, has been fairly successful in
adopting a managerial response to criticisms about its human rights record.
This means becoming more subtle and scaling down several of the uglier and sensational
aspects of human rights violations - such as massacres and mass disappearances.
Although several individuals within the state machinery who have been pushing
this managerial response are taken to be well-meaning, the underlying discontent
and the structural problems are so severe that this response will be limited
in scope. It is likely to go no further than a temporary, but uneasy, equilibrium.
The recent Amnesty International report
on Sri Lanka (February 1993) contains the words, Since mid- 991, the Government
of Sri Lanka has displayed much greater openness to scrutiny by international
human rights organisations. This is a welcome development which
Amnesty International hopes will contribute
to the strengthening of human rights protection, and the work of human rights
organisations within the country. The report then goes on to address inadequacies
of the present mechanism for the avoidance of violations and makes recommendations.
The AI report makes note of the two recommendations
rejected by the government which relate to the issue of impunity. These were
among 32 recommendations made by the AI in 1991 of which the rest were accepted.
The first was the call to repeal the indemnity act, which provides impunity
from prosecution for the period 1st August 1977 to 16th
December 1988 for members of the security forces and others who acted in good
faith with regard to law enforcement. This interestingly covers the
period starting from the anti-Tamil riots of 1977 to the eve of the 1988 presidential
elections.
The second rejected recommendation
had called upon the government to expand the mandate of the Presidential
Commission of Inquiry into the Involuntary Removal of Persons to include
disappearances which took place before 11th January
1991.
This as we shall show has serious implications
for the enforcement of human rights by landing the government in a muddle of
embarrassing contradictions.
The Civil Rights Movement of Sri Lanka in its statement of November 1992 makes the following pertinent observations: Distressing reports of disappearances continue to be received from the Eastern Province. In the South, the sharp drop in the number of reported disappearances after the peak years of 1988,1989 and 199O is no cause for complacency. It came about as the result of the capture and killing of the leadership of the JVP and the consequent bringing under control of the violent insurgency that had dominated the political scene during those years. This led to a corresponding drop in the resort to counter-terror tactics of the security forces. In fact these unlawful activities by agents of the state or persons apparently acting with their connivance continued far longer than the circumstances that gave rise to them, and appeared to have gained a momentum of their own. They are by no means unknown today.
We have quoted in this report a member
of the Batticaloa Peace Committee describing the experience on the ground. After
describing the current pattern of violations, which were on a much reduced scale,
and the fairly successful public relations effort by the authorities, he concluded,
Everything that happened in the past can happen again. These are like
tales from the dark side. He described their experience as one where
a sudden burst of evil shatters the normal calm. After the momentary chaos and
destruction it is, hey presto, calm once more. The rest of this chapter will
consist of reflections arising from these themes.
1.1.2 The importance of the struggle
for democracy
Though undertaken largely for tactical
reasons of survival of the state, our present and last reports substantiate
the observation of several others, that an effort is being made to improve the
image of state forces in respect of human rights in the North-East. But the
repressive character of the forces armed with the PTA and a host of emergency
measures remains intact. They have the power to take a persons life or detain
a person indefinitely, often through sheer clumsiness, without being accountable.
The head choppers on yellow motor cycles are a manifestation of the former.
Undisciplined troops continue to kill civilians with impunity in operational
areas.
Nevertheless we welcome the measures to scale down violations
insofar as they reduce suffering and allow room for the kind of democratic activity
that will address the structural problems that form the basis of organised violations.
How far the current basis of power, its economic underpinnings and its allied
local and global interests, can countenance the addressing of human rights violations
is a question that we will not go into here. What is very suggestive is, as
the AI report and CRM statement allude to, the great reluctance on the part
of the government to change substantially, the ponderous repressive apparatus
it built up during a particular set of circumstances. This appears
to have gained a momentum of its own and represents the nervousness
of those in power. It has resulted in a culture permeating all levels of national
life, where a barren authoritarianism jostles uneasily with debilitating fear.
It may not be inappropriate to call it the PTA culture. At all levels a sense
of obligation to morality and the spirit of the law have sharply declined with
the rise of authority being exercised by fiat without fear of accountability.
The crisis for the state has risen with hopelessness and injustice. An organised
assertion of democratic values remains the last hope of challenging this drift.
We now examine some aspects of the current state of affairs.
1.1.3 Administrative breakdown
This process which has been going on
for decades is closely linked to the rise of populism in politics. This is nowhere
brought into sharper focus than by the phenomenon of the presidential mobile
secretariat, not lacking in precedents in the previous decades. It reflects
the premise that the administrative machinery of the state does not do its job
any more and that the president has to come personally and spend a couple of
days in a provincial town to straighten out the backlog of routine problems
that have piled up. Thus a district kacheri wakes up, goes into full gear for
two months or more to prepare a package to enable the head of state to play
Santa Claus. After two or three days of ceremonies, it is back to business as
usual. Corrupt administrators do not often mind this. They know how to play
the game. But competent administrators could find that plans and allocations
made over months of hard work can be summarily dashed at the secretariat. This
has been on occasions done through sweeping and humiliating gestures without
allowing a hearing, for sheer political expediency.
The secretariat which met in Trincomalee
shortly after the Muthur Ferry disaster, said that measures have been taken
to ensure that such will not happen again. It has been known for nearly two
years that passengers travel between Kalpitiya and Mannar in boats often dangerously
overloaded. The ministry of transport has supervisory responsibility. Will this
matter have to await another disaster or another secretariat in Mannar?
This breakdown is evident at many other
levels which affect day to day living. Is it practically possible any more for
people to challenge even the more jarringly improper actions of provincial and
district administrators, university councils, irrigation officials whose actions
can result in losses to local farmers and even clerks who send wrong bills?
An interesting case is that of a newspaper in Colombo, critical of the government,
whose offices were sealed by municipal authorities alleging non-payment of dues.
The paper tried for a whole week to pay its dues, but was unable to find an
official who would accept payment. When political expediency exercised undemocratically
corrupts a working system, the corruption becomes institutionalised to serve
a variety of private needs. The clamour for smaller administrative units and
AGAs divisions is a symptom of this breakdown and not a cure for the disease.
In Trincomalee administrative breakdown is being used as a means to further
Sinhalisation through covert induction of colonists. The resulting situation
has been and will continue to be explosive.
Nothing has done so much to bring the law and the judicial
system into disrepute as the PTA and the practices it spawned. It enables
people to be locked up on the basis of mere caprice, wasting a valuable period
of their life, while the press is fed with fantasies about their alleged villainy.
In the case of most of the 4OOO Tamils released shortly after the Indo-Lanka
accord of 1987 there were no charges. A senior of Tamil public servant was then
released after nearly four years-no charges. The hearing of his case had been
repeatedly put off for the lack of one. How would ordinary peasant boys and
girls fare in this situation? Many of them had to bribe their way out rather
than wait interminably for their case to be heard.
The current reality is hardly different.
Even the innocent fearing that the authorities could drag a case on indefinitely
are under heavy pressure to plead guilty to a less serious charge. Even when
a charge does not have a basis, contesting it takes time, perhaps years. Relatives
of detainees claim that they have been asked for money to negotiate the dropping
of certain charges, which in any case would have been hard to establish. There
is an almost universal belief based on hints of senior officials, that the leaders
of the Up Country Peoples Front are being held under the PTA mainly
at the behest of some political rivals.
PTA cases thus mark a new departure
in the history of civilised law. Qualifications for preferred lawyers in the
game are not the usual ones. Courtroom dramas have become more than ever a charade.
Rituals of lawyers have come to represent less either intellectual asperity
or human kindness. The judge, familiar with the basis of the case, can hardly
fail to see through the words as representing none other than a pre-arranged
drama, reflecting the illicit money that is awash below his bench. Innocent
villagers in the dock not comprehending what hit them, whose fates are being
decided, gasp in horror when the prosecution speaks and cry in gratitude when
the defence pleads on their behalf. The judge finally ends the charade ---
You have been found guilty of ----- (tears from the accused)-----But on consideration
of -----(joy and gratitude from the accused, what a kind man!).
In the end hundreds of villagers are milked and ruined for no fault of their
own. How long can the judiciary remain free of corruption in this system? Our
system of law which once enjoyed legitimacy and respect is thus brought into
contempt.
Policing: Politically motivated instances
of police harassment and attacks on journalists and printing presses have been
widely reported in the press in recent times. Several instances of arrest have
a purely repressive character without having any basis in rational law. On 16th
February 25 undergraduates from the University of Peradeniya were detained by
the Kandy police for protesting on educational issues and distributing leaflets
calling for the reopening of universities. An activist detained for a week by
the Counter Subversive Unit of the police in a provincial capital was questioned
not about any offence, but about his links with two legally registered widely
read newspapers critical of the government, and suchlike.
This arbitrariness of police behaviour
in support of ruling interests also has another side. Repressive laws have also
provided the tools and ideas for systematic corruption. Allegations that Tamil
youth, particularly those arriving in the metropolis with plans of foreign travel,
are detained regularly for the purpose of extortion, have become widespread.
These have come from responsible sources. According to these sources an often
used modus operandi is to inveigle them into signing a statement recorded in
Sinhalese which they cannot comprehend, and use it for extorting money. We have
also received reports of such treatment being accororded to Tamils coming from
places like Saudi Arabia and Germany. Others have said that signatures are obtained
on blank sheets and statements inserted later.
The Sunday Observer of 14th
February 1993 published a reply by the Chief, Joint Operations Command, to a
letter from Rt.Rev.Thomas Savundranayagam, Bishop of Jaffna. The latter
had made an appeal concerning the plight of civilians in Jaffna, and in particular
the plight of travellers in the Jaffna lagoon and the naval massacre of 2nd
January [ Report No. 10]. The Chief,
JOC, said in his reply:
I believe the tragic incident you refer to was an attempt by the LTTE to move men and materials in large quantities across the Jaffna lagoon for their terrorist operations on the mainland, under cover of darkness on 2nd January 1993, which was thwarted by a naval patrol in the course of their duty . . .It is understood that terrorist casualties were heavy and they fled taking away their casualties. The patrol did not kill 15 innocent individuals mercilessly and mutilate some seriously injured. If 6O are reported missing, the LTTE has to be held responsible. . .
The Chief,JOC, is known in private
as an intelligent and enlightened man. According to those who spoke to him privately
about the incident, he made no attempt to contest details that he has so publicly
and harshly denied. The truth is well known publicly, to the media as well as
the foreign missions. The denial serves no purpose. It will only make the Tamil
people angry and increase contempt for the forces.
We have many more instances of callousness
of this kind, devoid of intelligent purpose. When asked at the cabinet press
briefing about the District Education Officer who was killed by the navy in
the lagoon on 2nd January and had an eye gouged out, the army spokesman
replied with his own rumour, as his having heard that the education officer
was executed by the LTTE. This spokesman, when brigadier responsible
for Batticaloa, was described as a rational person with whom an intelligent
exchange was possible. Then we have the current brigadier in Batticaloa imprudently
using the brute power of the army to prolong the detention of women abducted
and raped in army custody, so as to give the crime a different colouring [See
3.5].
All these are instances of the PTA
culture deepening an existing crisis, and preventing the forces in thinking
in terms of accountability. In normal civilised society the final say on these
matters would have rested with judicial authorities following an inquiry. Here
we have the final say resting with military men stunted by a culture which has
taught them to think that they could do anything, say anything and others have
to swallow it. The PTA and emergency regulations which enable the forces
to take life at will has its own dynamic. If they try to be normal, decent men
in public life, they run into other problems. There is room to think that the
Chief, JOCs reply was for the purpose of internal consumption, since no
other purpose is served. He evidently has senior colleagues who ask him,
Whose side are you on? . His public image would have been better
served had he been constrained to anticipate a judicial inquiry. The power to
evade accountability thus obstructs good men being good in public office. This
is the essence of the PTA culture and it can never bring peace to this
land.
On the other hand sensitive officers,
who have thought through years of bloody failure, are slowly realising success
in winning civilian confidence, and improving the general situation in their
area by deliberately distancing themselves from the PTA culture. They
have adopted leniency towards informers to the rebels and those who give them
food. These are offenses under the PTA and punishment by summary death
has been covered by the emergency regulations. Such officers have also taken
care not to detain persons beyond the requirements of an inquiry. The series
of repressive legislation ushered in by the PTA is therefore a burden
on the people as well as the forces.
On the surface
things appear normal in parts of the East. But there is a deep underlying disquiet.
Describing the STFs apparently reformed role, one leading citizen
said, Lionel Karunasena, D.I.G, S.T.F., has really turned a new leaf.
He is very different from the man I knew two years ago. Seneviratne, O.I.C,
S.T.F., Thirukkovil, is a very understanding and enlightened man. You very rarely
come across some one in the forces of that calibre. Siriwardene, O.I.C, S.T.F.,
5th Mile Post, Amparai Road, is a fine Buddhist. He doesnt
like to hurt anyone. Then his tone suddenly changed, I will
never trust anyone in the forces. These fellows never came to do us any good!
This commonly felt dichotomy is a long term problem for both the forces and
the civilians. The long standing problems like colonisation, tremendously important
for the minorities, remain unresolved. Instead the matter is being left to attrition.
More immediate is the practical and
emotional need for people to come to terms with massive death in their midst.
In the case of Tamils, several thousands in the East were murdered by state
forces. A mature self respecting community is naturally impelled to come to
terms with its history, demand justice and work out the meaning for this massive
suffering. This would take the form of working for a future of promise for the
coming generations. To suppress these longings is to build a stunted community.
Even if presidential commissions, task forces and law enforcement authorities
wish to forget about disappearances before 11th January 1991, the
people will not. This will result in constant friction with the armed forces.
Recently three persons in an Eastern
town, one of them a school principal, who were distributing forms and collecting
information about loss of life and property were questioned for 3 days at the
local security forces camp, being allowed to go home for the night. It was an
attempt at intimidation. But because of the international machinery at work,
they did not seriously fear for their life. This may be a relatively rare occurrence.
But it is also the thin end of the wedge that underlines the limits of the states
managerial response to human rights. There is a good deal of nervousness around.
How far will things be allowed to go?
The time limitation placed on official
inquiries into disappearances is fraught with many contradictions. The Sunday
Times of 14th February 1993 reported in its lead story that a brigadier
and several soldiers from the war-front were brought to the Joint Operations
Command H.Q. at Anuradhapura and grilled for 3 days by a top level CID team.
The matter pertained to the 1989 abduction of 32 students from Embilipitiya.
The inquiry followed the Human Rights Task Force, headed by Judge J.F.A.Soza,
identifying a colonel (now brigadier), a captain (now major) and eight soldiers
from the 6th Artillery Unit then manning the Sevana
camp. The police, according to the report, have said that there was evidence
linking the army personnel to the abduction of students and that a charge of
abduction, carrying a sentence of up to 7 years was likely to be framed. They
added that although the students are now presumed dead, there was insufficient
evidence for a charge of culpable homicide.
Although this incident took place at
a time prior to the date of 11th January 1991 when the mandate of
the presidential commission into disappearances took effect, the inquiry was
precipitated by intense pressure from the opposition and the international community.
Moreover the political establishment was not implicated.
If this recently promoted brigadier is found guilty
and punished, he and his friends will look resentfully at other senior officers
who are known to be responsible for worse and are being let off the hook. A
relative of two young men among the 158 detained and taken away from the Eastern
University refugee camp on 5th September 199O told the Amnesty International
that the detainees, who subsequently disappeared, were taken to the Valaichenai
Army camp. [See Report No.7:4]. The brigadier
in charge has recently been posted to a sensitive area in the North with a large
refugee population, which is closely watched by international organisations.
He is not subject to investigation. Asked about this particular matter, not
withstanding the commendable role it played in the matter of the Embilipitiya
abductions, the Chairman, HRTF, told the Amnesty that they do not actively
investigate disappearances. Then there is the matter of 16O prisoners
killed and burnt on 9th September 199O by personnel from the Saturukondan
army camp, the Kalmunai massacres of June 199O by troops under a colonel and
so on. Those raising these are mainly Tamils from the East and have so far not
carried enough political clout. But the apparent exception being made for the
Embilipitiya affair is going to make some officers very bitter and others very
nervous.
The matter will not end here. While
some officers in the forces are spoken of as being hatchet men for the political
establishment, the general opinion about the political leadership among the
forces is pretty low. Among the revelations of Udugampola, DIG of police, is
that 65 or more opposition politicians were killed under cover of the JVP troubles
by armed units taking instructions from senior figures in the ruling party.
Evidently senior officers unable to bear the fact that a few of their colleagues
were bringing discredit on the forces by performing dirty jobs for politicians
of the ruling party, had complained to Mrs.Bandaranaike, Leader of the
Opposition, who made a statement in parliament in January 199O, [
Report No.4]. Later in the year, according to sources in a prominent
daily, a leading police association had passed a resolution dissociating itself
from political killings and alluding to a few in the force having lent themselves
to such use. The statement after being composed was taken out on the verge of
going to print, following an internal leak and orders from the management. Thus
freedom of expression is a problem even for the forces.
Thus a few in the armed forces being
disciplined for violations, whether in the South or in the North-East, will
eventually turn the heat on the political leadership. It is hardly surprising
that there has been a good deal of procrastination. A columnist for the Sunday
Island [14th February 1993] has suggested that the current
official verbal, administrative and physical harassment of the press is aimed
at obviating local repercussions of the anticipated publication of Udugampolas
revelations in the USA.[Top]
An organisation that has attracted
much official ire in recent times is the Free Media Movement. The FMM fared
prominently in the centre pages of two successive issues of the Sunday Observer.
One of its leading activists, a senior respected columnist, was personally taken
to task. Ironically this slot is habitually reserved for attacking leading figures
of opposition parties. That a relatively unknown pressman should be elevated
to this privilege is a comment on the bankruptcy of the opposition.
Whenever the opposition raises the issue of freedom
of the press the government goes on citing the acts of the present opposition
during its period of office against private ownership of sections of the press.
There is legitimacy in questioning the present oppositions attitudes
to the freedom of the press. The qualitative difference between past and the
present actions is that earlier (1970-1977) it was economic pressure on press
men but now it is direct terror unleashed on individual journalists. In earlier
actions the journalists job security might have been affected. But today
each journalist has to think about his physical security if he is going to write
something critical about personalities at the top. The situation today is very
tense. Although outwardly we see a number of papers which are critical of the
government, a general feeling of fear lurks behind.
The FMM is itself a courageous response to a crisis
that has been brewing for decades. If it is to gain the crucial international
solidarity it needs, it must also address the question of how free the press
is in representing minority concerns, and how high the integrity in reporting
events in the North-East. [Top]
Perhaps in the administrative harassment
of the press and the personal attacks, we discern something of the changing
rules in the governments human rights game in response to international
pressure.
But the underlying crisis remains
un addressed. Governments which have on the surface succeeded in a managerial
approach to human rights have enjoyed a specially favoured position in global
economic relations. The Singapore government has carefully targeted individuals
who raised questions of morality, conscience and social justice through a mixture
of security legislation, harassment, character assassination, court action,
imprisonment and deportation. It succeeded, and will probably succeed as long
as the countrys precariously poised economic position allows the government
to win over the populace with material rewards. Even then the clumsiness, crudity,
falsehood and vindictiveness have not been lost on the populace.
Despite the oft stated aspiration,
Sri Lanka, governed by a very different set of circumstances is very unlikely
to become another Singapore. The UNP government which came to power in 1977
consciously tried to imitate the Singapore model hoping that a dose of consumerism
spread around to detract from Singapore style repression of labour, would do
the trick. Public discontent, corruption, a resort to refuge in communalism
by the state, the holocaust of 1983, civil war and the JVP troubles ended the
dream.
President Premadasa evidently tried a repeat performance while at first trying to handle
the Tamil question more carefully so as not to let it jeopardise his economic
programme. But the state continued to suffer from its accumulated inertia as
well as from the personal failings of national leaders.
In response to the recent crises and
widespread criticism from the international community, the government appears
to be reverting to a more measured pragmatic approach. Among its greatest handicaps
for a managerial approach are administrative breakdown and corruption.
Further, nerves are taut and could
snap anytime. Then it may be another tale from the dark side. The strained and
hysterical quality of attacks on the press is a bad sign.
We have constantly argued that there
must be accountability for what the people have suffered as a result of actions
of the state. In no other way can the state win over the minorities, the Tamils
in particular, and give them confidence. If not the Tamil youth, who have no
major opposition party to give them confidence, will find the LTTEs
kind of destructive approach the most ready alternative. One of the urgent tasks
is the repeal of the PTA and its train of repressive laws.
This is partly covered by the Amnesty Internationals
two rejected recommendations. We have argued that not to implement these recommendations
strictly, would result in acute long term friction between the people and the
forces on one hand, and the forces and the political establishment on the other.
A democratic consensus remains the
only hope for purging the country of the effects of its ugly recent past, placing
respect for human rights on a permanent basis, making the long overdue structural
changes and evolving social and economic goals for the future.
The recent AI report gives considerable space to abuses of human rights by the LTTE. It says in the first paragraph, The LTTE announced in February 1988 that it would abide by the Geneva Conventions and its optional protocols I & II. It continues to claim that it abides by these standards, but consistent reports from the North-East indicate that it fails to do so.
It goes on to describe Common Ariticle 3 of the Geneva Conventions, applying to all parties in an internal conflict. It stipulates that, all persons taking no active part in hostilities, including members of the armed forces who are in detention, wounded or have laid down their arms, must always be treated humanely. Such people should never be murdered, mutilated, tortured or subjected to cruel, humiliating or degrading treatment. Hostage - taking is also prohibited.
For the LTTE, a so-called liberation
group, to be compared in effect unfavourably with a government, itself having
a poor record, is an unenviable position to be in. This is particularly so when
it is still far from realising its goals. Hardly any other group in the world,
whose reputation turned sour after attaining power, was in this position. More
seriously what would be the fate of the people of the North-East over whose
destinies it maintains a strangle-hold?
Of course the Tamil people who have
endured much suffering since July 1983 and before still have active groups of
sympathisers in many important capitals around the world. In order to activate
this sympathy, a group that claims to represent them must have a demonstrably
credible and reasonable set of demands for which support can be mobilised and
other governments made convinced of. It is far from adequate for LTTE
spokesmen to vaguely suggest federal powers for the North-East, while everything
else suggests that its regime would be oppressive and conflict - prone. Can
it massacre Muslims and insist that they will be respected citizens of the North-East?
Can it maintain thousands of dissidents in underground bunkers in sub-human
conditions and maintain that its rule would respect human rights and democratic
freedoms? Is it in a position to convince the Sinhalese majority of the country
that their legitimate interests in the North-East and pluralism will be assured?
Making federalism an active proposition for the North- East means more than
affording photographic opportunities to suggest that the LTTE leaders
are human. It rather requires active campaigning among the Muslims and Tamils,
including dissidents,to convince them that they have a common stake in its proposals
and also the Sinhalese majority to allay their fears. The LTTE s
recent past appears to militate against such a role.
All that now lies by the wayside.
Current negotiations about opening a safe passage to the Jaffna peninsula, a
relatively straightforward matter, after recent civilian deaths in the lagoon,
have received such prominence and concern because of the LTTEs
indefensible positions, so as to overshadow all long term issues. If the use
by civilians of Elephant Pass gave the army a military advantage, which is doubtful,
the same cannot be true of the Puneryn crossing. It is practically impossible
for the army to launch an offensive into the Jaffna peninsula across a stretch
of water from its Puneryn camp. Given that the main issue is to afford the civilians
safe passage while a war is being fought, recent positions have shown again
the callous disregard LTTE has for the civilian population. It again
subverts the LTTE claim of being a liberation group possessing a greater
sense of responsibility for the civilians than the state.
To those unfamiliar with the long
history of the Tamil struggle, the cause would have thus taken a doubtful appearance,
doing a grave injustice to thousands who have sacrificed so much. Had the government
been more creative, it would have clean won a major political battle over the
Tigers. Its callous and imbecile insistence on shooting hapless civilians
in the Jaffna lagoon left its own credentials in further doubt.
As long as the Tigers, articulating
their associated politics, are seen to be the representatives of the Tamils,
the cause will seem a doubtful one. If the Tigers go on adopting such negotiating
positions on straightforward humanitarian issues, which casual observer will
after this believe that colonisation, a life and death problem for hundreds
of thousands of Tamils, is indeed a real problem?
Lacking in human values and a political
programme to offer dignity to the people, the aridity of the Tigers politics
becomes evident in parts of the North-East, particularly where the forces have
observed discipline for a reasonable uninterrupted period. Because of its long
history and their experience of oppression, Tamils instinctively believe in
the struggle, although entertaining doubts and confusion about the LTTEs
peculiar cause. But beyond this, for the East in particular, the LTTE
has ceased to offer hope. Their experience of this group is increasingly confined
to terror and extortion except in areas where they feel immediately threatened
by the forces. Can this lead anywhere?
While the government is being made
to respond positively and become more subtle, not least due to international
pressure, a Tamil militant group cannot go on as if nothing has changed. The
government needs to be challenged politically on a whole host of unresolved
problems. This requires an independent force in the North-East that can mobilise
the people politically. Tragically, the LTTEs purblind militarism
destroyed all independent political activity and stifled the spirit of the people.
Its constant attempts to recreate conditions of July 1983 provided the state
with alibis for not addressing the questions that so trouble the minorities,
while their position constantly became worse.
If the LTTE hopes to survive, it needs to respond positively to the demands of the international community. If not it will be a long night for the people of the North-East.[Top]
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